The Brennan Center regularly compiles the latest news
concerning the corrosive nature of money in New York State politics—and the
ongoing need for public financing and robust campaign finance reform. We’ll
also be linking to dispatches from around the country highlighting the national
scope of this crisis. This week’s links were contributed by Syed Zaidi and
Katherine Munyan.
For more stories on an ongoing basis, follow the Twitter
hashtag #moNeYpolitics and #fairelex.
NEW YORK
Gov. Cuomo Reportedly Wielding Influence Over
Anti-Corruption Commission
Reports allege
that the Moreland Commission to Investigate Public Corruption is being pressured
by Governor Cuomo’s office to limit the scope of its investigations.
Although the co-chairs of the commission signed off on subpoenas for several
real estate developers that contributed heavily to Albany legislators and
received large tax breaks this year, the subpoenas were never sent out. The
commission also did not send subpoenas to the New York State Democratic Party,
although it did subpoena the Senate Republican Campaign Committee and the State
Independence Party as part of an ongoing examination of political party
“housekeeping accounts.” William J. Fitzpatrick, the commission’s co-chair said
the panel plans on subpoenaing the Senate Democratic Campaign Committee
instead. Commission spokeswoman Michelle
Duffy stated that though the commission receives input from the Governor’s
office, the Attorney General’s office and other outside experts, it is the
commissioners’ “judgment and discretion that governs the commission and
determines its action.” Common Cause New York, in response to the allegations, sent
a letter to Governor Cuomo and Attorney General Schneiderman asking their
offices to ensure the panel has the independence to carry out important
investigatory work. “We urge you to allow the Commission to fulfill its mission
as it deems appropriate,” the letter said. “To do anything less would be a
disservice to the outstanding men and women you have appointed to the
Commission and a shocking waste of the momentum for meaningful change which its
appointment created.”
Post-Star Tells Lawmakers to Reveal Outside Income
This week, the Glens
Falls Post-Star editorialized in favor of the Moreland Commission to
Investigate Public Corruption’s request for disclosure
of outside income earned by legislators in Albany. In a rare bipartisan
response, lawyers representing lawmakers rejected the request. New York State
Assemblymen and Senators serve the public for only part of the year and are
allowed to maintain outside employment for the remainder. The anti-corruption
commission’s concern arises from the potential for conflicts of interests.
Republican Senate Co-leader Dean Skelos and Democratic Assembly Speaker Sheldon
Silver made $250,000 and $450,000 respectively last year from their law
practices. Twenty other states require the disclosure of outside income, and
the New York State Bar Association also supports the measure. In a 2011 report,
the bar’s Task Force on Government Ethics stated that the “public has an
interest in knowing whether a public official has interests with or ties to
particular special interests; and the public has an interest in knowing those
financial interests that can affect a public official’s actions.”
Good-Government Groups Urge Commission to Recommend Campaign
Finance Reform
On Tuesday a number of good-government groups including the
New York Public Interest Research Group, Common Cause New York, the Brennan
Center for Justice, Citizens Union and the League of Women Voters of New York
State sent
a letter to the Moreland Commission. The organizations encouraged the
anti-corruption commission to ensure that comprehensive campaign finance reform
remains
a priority in any ongoing investigations, deliberations and
recommendations. The groups urged that real reform must include four key measures:
(1) limited public funding to match small private donations, (2) independent
and effective enforcement of campaign finance laws, (3) lower contribution
limits including stricter caps for lobbyists and contractors doing business
with the state, and (4) better disclosure of political expenditures. “Not
including a bold prescription for campaign finance reform will almost certainly
allow politicians in Albany to continue to ignore the public call for change,”
the letter informed the commission.
Common Cause: Gambling Industry Contributed $3.2 Million in
Past Two Years
As a November 5th ballot referendum on legalizing casino
gambling approaches, Common Cause New York has released
a new analysis showcasing influence of the gambling industry in state
politics. Racinos, casinos, and Native American tribes with a stake in gaming
have all contributed
nearly $3.2 million to political campaigns and committees in New York State
during the past two years. Legislative leaders, regardless of political party,
have been the greatest beneficiaries of the contributions. The top three
recipients include the Democratic Assembly Campaign Committee at $414,750, the
Senate Republican Campaign Committee at $403,750, and Governor Cuomo at $361,
500. The lawmakers who chair the Racing and Wagering Committees in each chamber
have also received large sums in donations for their campaigns: Assemblyman
Gary Pretlow (D) raked in $132,000 during 2011 to 2012, and Senator John
Bonacic received over $85,000 from gambling interests in 2011. Common Cause New York executive director Susan
Lerner said
that “The problem is that the rules of the game are stacked against average
voters and the house always wins. We need campaign finance reform now to ensure
that politicians are accountable to the people, not the highest pay-out.”
NATIONAL
Supreme Court Considers Contribution Limits in McCutcheon v.
FEC
This week, the Supreme Court heard oral
arguments in McCutcheon v. FEC, a case challenging aggregate
limits on individual campaign contributions. Currently, an individual can
give a maximum of $123,200 in total to candidates and parties in a two-year election
cycle. Most of the argument before the
Court this Tuesday centered on hammering out the
logistics of how campaign financing works, rather than the potential
constitutional issues involved. Justice
Kagan, who argued the government’s case in Citizens United as President Obama’s
solicitor general, offered up concerns
about “special treatment” for large donors.
Justice Breyer suggested returning
the case to a lower court to develop the facts. Justice Roberts appeared to
seek
a middle path, expressing concern about both about the consequences for
corruption of lifting the limits and the consequences for First Amendment
rights of retaining them.
Second Week of Government Shutdown Strains Constituent
Patience
Republican incumbents may face a political backlash over growing public frustration with the government shutdown. Even
typically Republican-leaning big business lobbyist groups,
such as the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, are now lobbying congress to come to an
agreement on government funding and the debt ceiling “for the sake of the U.S.
economy,” in the words of Business Roundtable President John Engler. Some frustrated trade associations are considering
supporting
challengers in primary campaigns against the incumbents who have been
behind the government shutdown. In
Grand Rapids, Michigan, a conservative stronghold, voters in 2010 elected
Justin Amash (R-Mich.) to the House, but, after Amash’s role in the shutdown,
many local business leaders are pushing
for a more centrist candidate in the next primaries. The Republican Main Street Partnership,
a centrist conservative group, has released several statements condemning
fellow Republicans, as well as Democrats, for the unwillingness to compromise
that has led to the shutdown.
Voter Initiative to Eliminate Dark Money in Montana
Gathering Signatures
In Montana, a petition
to eliminate “dark money” in state elections is now gathering the
signatures necessary to appear on the 2014 ballot. “Dark money” refers to
campaign-related spending by groups whose donors are not disclosed. Under
current laws, as a general rule, political groups are required to report their
donors, but there are ways to avoid disclosure. Non-profits can keep their
donors secret if they call themselves “educational groups,” saying they educate
about candidates’ positions on issues rather than actually campaigning. If
voters approved Montana Initiative 168, the Stop Dark Money Initiative, the law
would change to require public reporting of campaign-related spending and
donors by all independent groups, and expand the definition of campaign-related
communication. Launched
by a group of Republican state legislators, the initiative grew out of
local concern about the influx of out-of-state money into state elections. To
get on the ballot in 2014, supporters will need to collect signatures from
34,000 Montanans, about 5% of qualified voters.
Tobacco Lobbyists Turn Talents to E-Cigarettes
With the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) preparing regulate
the e-cigarette industry for the first time, tobacco
lobbyists are harnessing decades of experience representing big tobacco to
attempt to shape the rules for a new industry.
The FDA says that there is currently not enough
research to determine how safe e-cigarettes are and what harmful effects
they may have. In this information
vacuum, lobbyists are sweeping in to help guide public policy. E-cigarette
company representatives have met with the FDA Tobacco Center dozens of times
since September 2012. Lorillard Tobacco, a powerhouse that recently acquired an
e-cigarette brand, spent $2.35 million on lobbying last year. Their lobbying team, with former House
speaker Dennis Hastert and several other former congressmen on the payroll,
exemplifies the revolving-door between lawmakers and K Street. Lobbyists are focused on lawmakers
on the committees that oversee the FDA, creating the impression the
protection of profits may be interfering with the protection of public health
in a new industry already earning $2 billion in annual sales.
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